El Camino del Inca en el Norte Chico chileno

Resumen

El estudio se sitúa en la Olla de Caldera, comuna de La Serena, IV Región, Chile; habitada por una Comunidad Agrícola derivada de ocupaciones territoriales prehispánicas, adaptadas sucesivamente desde la conquista. Existen allí, sitios arqueológicos incaicos de explotación minera, con profusión de caminos transitados hoy por lugareños.

Se plantea una red caminera inca en el área, refutando la hipótesis de dos caminos Norte Sur paralelos. La zona no presenta vestigios de vías principales. La IV Región resuelve el trazado con senderos interconectados de diversa magnitud. El uso continuado dificulta conferirles carácter incaico, no obstante la metodología utilizada, permite reconocer su origen en terreno. La revisión de documentos originales, particularmente de cronistas partícipes de la conquista, permiten extrapolar datos reinterpretados en su contexto, por testigos peninsulares e indígenas del Imperio. Pedro Cieza de León y Cristóbal de Molina en el primer caso y Huamán Poma de Ayala y el Inca Garcilaso de la Vega para el segundo; atendiendo sus comentarios, en ejercicio de contextualización. Se revisan registros histórico-geográficos, contrastando arqueología y toponimia: nombres indígenas de lugares relativos a tránsito y abastecimiento se combinan y concatenan, ensayando caminos sobre el terreno. Se atiende la topografía y modalidades de transporte confrontados a costumbres prehispánicas, infiriéndose su posible origen. Se estudia la cartografía disponible, desde los viajes de conquista, especialmente los de Almagro y Valdivia, pasando por el auge minero colonial y republicano, hasta los actuales registros, rastreando finalmente con Google Earth para generar nuevos mapas.

El trabajo de campo contempla tres expediciones a Los Puntiudos - Los Infieles. La primera interdisciplinaria de dirección arqueológica, acusa vestigios de explotación minera incaica en un amplio radio, sumando alrededor otros centros similares: Condoriaco, lavaderos de La Corina, mineral de Arqueros, entre muchos que rodean la administración cuzqueña de Altovalsol. La discusión con arqueólogos, sitúa el trabajo de campo en este complejo minero Incaico, su vialidad y actividades asociadas: yacimientos, corrales, senderos, aguadas, recintos con apacheta, emplazamiento estratégico de cierto señorío; instalaciones mínimas alineadas en un continuo de postas, profusión de hornos rústicos de fundición; y en lugar especial, la tumba de un señor.

El estudio confirma la existencia de una red caminera, contrastando la versión de dos vías que desestima los ramales. La trama surca gran parte de la IV Región, verificada por las evidencias ensayadas en el trabajo de campo.

Un segundo aspecto, refiere la existencia de caminos pedestres rectos, con baja densidad de uso e instalaciones mínimas, desestimados desde la conquista española por la práctica exclusiva de la montura. Un hallazgo fundamental configura el concepto de “territorio-urbe”, continuo y de muy baja densidad poblacional, establecido por el incario para todo territorio conocido; articulado en torno a su red caminera, asociada a un imaginario simbólico que rige su dominio religioso solar unificador y totalizador, que no concibe la dualidad urbano-rural.

De las conclusiones se desprende que: La imposición religiosa incaica sobre los imperados, no exige culto solar exclusivo, sino adherir a prácticas asociadas al estado: mitas tributarias, acopio y distribución de bienes, censos y ordenamientos de población, transferencia demográfica y constitución de familias referidas a un espacio productivo. Los intereses imperiales fluyen veloz y discrecionalmente por la red caminera, su estructura principal. La infraestructura caminera incaica configura por sí, territorio conquistado. La lectura del territorio implica una mirada amplia del contexto histórico, ecológico y social, sus potencialidades y versatilidad para habitarlo, asociado a la obtención de beneficios sin incurrir en su deterioro; considerando la densidad que el medio permite en un régimen determinado.

Un turismo ecológico-cultural sustentable de pequeña escala, como soporte del enorme potencial humano, geográfico y arqueológico que subyace en el lugar, puede ser administrado por la propia Comunidad, asociado a su rutina y prácticas ancestrales; siendo coherente con la necesidad de implementar programas de reconocimiento y conservación patrimonial. Un porcentaje minoritario de invitados participantes, puede integrarse vivencialmente a la comprensión del territorio, más que obtener el beneficio de un paisaje y situación exótica.

Abstract:

Determine the prehispanic path "Camino del Inca" between the Santa Gracia gully and Vicuña municipality as well as its touristic use.

This study is situated in Olla de Caldera, district of La Serena, IV Region, Chile, inhabited by a farming community result from the pre-Hispanic territorial occupations which were successively adapted and transformed since the days of the conquest. In the place there are archaeological and mining sites from the Incaic period, with lots of roads currently used just by locals.

The study proposes an Inca path network in the area, refuting the hypothesis of the two North-South parallel paths. The area has no traces of main roads. The IV Region solves the trace with connected trails of varying magnitude. It is difficult to know the origin of these paths. So, we can not confer them an Incaic character with certainty since the roads have been used permanently through time. However, the methodology used in this study, allows to recognize its origins in the field.

The review of original documents, particularly of those chroniclers which took part of the conquest, give us us the data extrapolation and the re-interpretation of the facts at its context, narrated by Spaniards, as Pedro Cieza de Leon and Cristobal de Molina, and by indigenous witnesses of the Inca Empire, as Huaman Poma de Ayala and Inca Garcilaso de la Vega. The study collects the original sources in a permanent exercise of contextualization. This study reviews historical and geographical records, contrasting archeological and toponymical data: Indian names of places related to transit and supply are combined and concatenated to test paths on the field. The study addresses the topography and means of transport to contrast them with well-known pre-Hispanic customs to infer their possible origin. We have studied the available maps from the voyages of conquest, especially those of Diego de Almagro and Pedro de Valdivia, passing through the colonial and republican mining boom, to the current records, and finally using Google Earth to track the territory and generate new maps.

The field work includes three expeditions to Los Puntiudos - Los Infieles. The first expedition, of interdisciplinary character and archaeological orientation, accuses traces of Inca mining explotation in a wide radius that gathers all similar centers like Condoriaco, Lavaderos de La Corina, Mineral de Arqueros, among many others surrounding the administration of Altovalsol Cuzco. The discussion with archaeologists have located the field work in this Inca mining complex due the roads and its related activities that include archaeological sites, yards, trails, washes, enclosures with apacheta a strategic location with some lordship, the minimum facilities organized in a continuous line of posts, the profusion of rustic ovens of cast iron, and the existence, in a very special place, of the tomb of a lord.

The study confirms the existence of a net of roads and refuses the current "two-roads model" which does not consider possible branches. This net of roads cuts through much of the IV region as we have verified thanks to the evidences obtained from the tests in the fieldwork. A second aspect concerns to the existence of straight paths for pedestrians, with a low density of use and minimal facilities. Those paths were avoided since the Spanish conquest due the exclusive practice of the mount. A key finding sets the concept of a unique territory city, continuous and with a very low population density, which was established by the Incas for all the known territory. Those territories were articulated around a network of roads related with the symbolic imaginarium that governs as well its religious-solar domain unifying and total in which the duality urban-rural has no place.

The conclusions show that: the religious imposition of the Incas over the dominated ones does not require exclusive solar worship, but to adhere to practices associated with the state: mitas , taxes, collection and distribution of goods, regulation and censuses of the population, as well as population transfers and families formation related with a productive territory. The imperial interests flowed fast and silently over the network of roads, the main imperial structure. The Inca road infrastructure configured the conquered territory itself. Reading the territory implies a broad view of the historical, ecological and social context, as well as their potential and versatility to inhabit, linked to obtain profits without incurring in their deterioration, considering the density allowed by the medium in a given system.

A sustainable eco-cultural tourism, of small scale, able to support the enormous human, geographical and archaeological potential that the place owns, could be managed by the local community itself, associated with its customs and traditional practices. This is consistent with the need to implement programs for heritage recognition and conservation. A minority of invited participants could be integrated in the experiential understanding of the territory, rather than just obtaining the benefit of an exotic landscape at an exotic location.